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[journal article]

dc.contributor.authorJash, Amritade
dc.date.accessioned2023-01-25T14:04:11Z
dc.date.available2023-01-25T14:04:11Z
dc.date.issued2022de
dc.identifier.issn2381-3652de
dc.identifier.urihttps://www.ssoar.info/ssoar/handle/document/84652
dc.description.abstractOn March 25, State Councilor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi made a surprise visit to India after stopovers in Pakistan and Afghanistan (Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China [FMPRC], March 25). The visit was the first by a high-level Chinese official to India since December 2019, and the ongoing border standoff that broke out in May 2020 along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) in Eastern Ladakh. The sudden stopover, which was not announced in advance, generated speculation over Beijing’s intentions, mainly as it occurred in the immediate aftermath of Russia initiating its "special military operation" against Ukraine on February 24. This resulted in international condemnation and boycotts and the imposition of economic sanctions by the U.S., the European Union, Japan, and others on Russia. However, countries such as China and India made an exception by choosing neutrality in condemning Russia. But did this shared position make any difference in improving China-India ties? Hitherto, relations have not substantively improved, notwithstanding the modest progress in the recent border talks. Following the 16th round of Corps Commander-level talks on July 17, China and India stressed the "four-point consensus" they had reached on the resolution of the border issues (Xinhuanet, July 29). This "consensus" was further cited as the reason for the disengagement of troops from Patrolling Point-15 in Gogra-Hot Springs (Global Times, September 9). Notably, the disengagement followed a year-long impasse in the talks process and coincided with both countries' participation in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization summit.de
dc.languageende
dc.subject.ddcInternationale Beziehungende
dc.subject.ddcInternational relationsen
dc.titleThe Ukraine Crisis and China-India Relationsde
dc.description.reviewbegutachtet (peer reviewed)de
dc.description.reviewpeer revieweden
dc.source.journalIndraStra Global
dc.source.volume8de
dc.publisher.countryUSAde
dc.source.issue10de
dc.subject.classozinternationale Beziehungen, Entwicklungspolitikde
dc.subject.classozInternational Relations, International Politics, Foreign Affairs, Development Policyen
dc.subject.thesozIndiende
dc.subject.thesozIndiaen
dc.subject.thesozChinade
dc.subject.thesozChinaen
dc.subject.thesozbilaterale Beziehungende
dc.subject.thesozbilateral relationsen
dc.subject.thesozinternationale Beziehungende
dc.subject.thesozinternational relationsen
dc.subject.thesozUkrainede
dc.subject.thesozUkraineen
dc.identifier.urnurn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-84652-6
dc.rights.licenceCreative Commons - Namensnennung, Nicht kommerz., Keine Bearbeitung 4.0de
dc.rights.licenceCreative Commons - Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 4.0en
internal.statusformal und inhaltlich fertig erschlossende
internal.identifier.thesoz10042315
internal.identifier.thesoz10040272
internal.identifier.thesoz10039288
internal.identifier.thesoz10037331
internal.identifier.thesoz10064141
dc.type.stockarticlede
dc.type.documentZeitschriftenartikelde
dc.type.documentjournal articleen
internal.identifier.classoz10505
internal.identifier.journal858
internal.identifier.document32
internal.identifier.ddc327
dc.description.pubstatusVeröffentlichungsversionde
dc.description.pubstatusPublished Versionen
internal.identifier.licence20
internal.identifier.pubstatus1
internal.identifier.review1
dc.subject.classhort10500de
internal.pdf.validfalse
internal.pdf.wellformedtrue
internal.pdf.encryptedfalse


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