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dc.contributor.authorDachtler, Petrade
dc.date.accessioned2022-10-06T14:23:33Z
dc.date.available2022-10-06T14:23:33Z
dc.date.issued2022de
dc.identifier.issn1862-3611de
dc.identifier.urihttps://www.ssoar.info/ssoar/handle/document/81598
dc.description.abstractWhen Israel signed the Abraham Accords in 2020 reactions were diverse. Experts were divided - some fearing a deepening of regional divisions, others hoping for a positive impact on the Middle East Peace Process (MEPP). Two years later normalisation has intensified, but differs in degree and scope. Israel's normalisation process has strengthened her acceptance in the region and reaches beyond security issues. While Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates lead these dynamics, eager to benefit from exchange in science and technology, in Morocco the United States' recognition of the latter's sovereignty over the Western Sahara has hardened Rabat's position on that issue. With Sudan, the process has not developed beyond contact between the Israeli government and the internationally contested military leadership. Normalisation is not a decisive factor for Israeli-Palestinian conflict resolution. On the contrary, it was not an incentive in the past for Israel to make concessions; clashes with the Palestinians in Gaza or recently on the Temple Mount could not derail the process either. The real test, however, would be another Palestinian intifada or a return to the annexation plans of early 2020. Iran remains an important uniting factor which has led to a shared threat perception. Nevertheless, the Gulf monarchies and Israel differ in approach towards Iran. While Arab-Israeli joint military exercises mark a historical shift, talks about a military alliance in the Middle East with Israeli (and US) involvement are premature. The European Union and its member states should build on these positive dynamics and look at developments in the region not merely through the lens of the MEPP. Trilateral projects with Israel and Arab partners are a good starting point here. Also, Europe should become more involved in the broader Middle East through strategic dialogue with partners in the region as well as the US on the new order in the making.de
dc.languageende
dc.subject.ddcPolitikwissenschaftde
dc.subject.ddcPolitical scienceen
dc.subject.ddcInternationale Beziehungende
dc.subject.ddcInternational relationsen
dc.titleFrom New to Normal: Two Years after the Abraham Accordsde
dc.description.reviewbegutachtetde
dc.description.reviewrevieweden
dc.source.volume5de
dc.publisher.countryDEUde
dc.publisher.cityHamburgde
dc.source.seriesGIGA Focus Nahost
dc.subject.classozFriedens- und Konfliktforschung, Sicherheitspolitikde
dc.subject.classozPeace and Conflict Research, International Conflicts, Security Policyen
dc.subject.classozinternationale Beziehungen, Entwicklungspolitikde
dc.subject.classozInternational Relations, International Politics, Foreign Affairs, Development Policyen
dc.subject.thesozIsraelde
dc.subject.thesozIsraelen
dc.subject.thesozNahostde
dc.subject.thesozMiddle Easten
dc.subject.thesozNordafrikade
dc.subject.thesozNorth Africaen
dc.subject.thesozarabische Länderde
dc.subject.thesozArab countriesen
dc.subject.thesozSicherheitspolitikde
dc.subject.thesozsecurity policyen
dc.subject.thesozinternationale Beziehungende
dc.subject.thesozinternational relationsen
dc.subject.thesozpolitische Beziehungende
dc.subject.thesozpolitical relationsen
dc.subject.thesozDiplomatiede
dc.subject.thesozdiplomacyen
dc.subject.thesozAußenpolitikde
dc.subject.thesozforeign policyen
dc.subject.thesozinternationales Abkommende
dc.subject.thesozinternational agreementen
dc.subject.thesozinternationale Sicherheitde
dc.subject.thesozinternational securityen
dc.subject.thesozEntwicklungde
dc.subject.thesozdevelopmenten
dc.subject.thesozPerspektivede
dc.subject.thesozperspectiveen
dc.subject.thesozProzessde
dc.subject.thesozprocessen
dc.subject.thesozVereinigte Arabische Emiratede
dc.subject.thesozUnited Arab Emiratesen
dc.subject.thesozBahrainde
dc.subject.thesozBahrainen
dc.subject.thesozMarokkode
dc.subject.thesozMoroccoen
dc.subject.thesozWestsaharade
dc.subject.thesozWestern Saharaen
dc.subject.thesozSudande
dc.subject.thesozSudanen
dc.subject.thesozNahost-Konfliktde
dc.subject.thesozMiddle East conflicten
dc.identifier.urnurn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-81598-5
dc.rights.licenceCreative Commons - Namensnennung, Keine Bearbeitung 3.0de
dc.rights.licenceCreative Commons - Attribution-NoDerivs 3.0en
ssoar.contributor.institutionGIGAde
internal.statusformal und inhaltlich fertig erschlossende
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dc.type.stockmonographde
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dc.type.documentworking paperen
dc.source.pageinfo12de
internal.identifier.classoz10507
internal.identifier.classoz10505
internal.identifier.document3
dc.contributor.corporateeditorGerman Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) - Leibniz-Institut für Globale und Regionale Studien, Institut für Nahost-Studien
internal.identifier.corporateeditor1216
internal.identifier.ddc320
internal.identifier.ddc327
dc.identifier.doihttps://doi.org/10.57671/gfme-22052de
dc.description.pubstatusVeröffentlichungsversionde
dc.description.pubstatusPublished Versionen
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