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[journal article]

dc.contributor.authorCopeland, Paulde
dc.date.accessioned2022-06-21T10:18:15Z
dc.date.available2022-06-21T10:18:15Z
dc.date.issued2021de
dc.identifier.issn2183-2463de
dc.identifier.urihttps://www.ssoar.info/ssoar/handle/document/79626
dc.description.abstractThis article assesses the political and power dynamics of the Ordinarily Legislative Procedure (OLP) in social Europe and the likely impact of the UK's departure in the field for future integration. It provides a detailed analysis of the OLP in social Europe during two recent periods of integration in the field - the first Barroso Commission (2004-2009) and the Juncker Commission (2014-2019). It finds the dynamics of the OLP have shifted from intergovernmental deadlock during the Barroso Commission to the characteristics of a new intergovernmental core state power during the Juncker Commission, even though the policy area is not a core state power per se. Despite the use of qualified majority voting policy agreements can only be achieved when there is near unanimity support in the Council, the Commission remains a neutral broker, and the Parliament shifts its position to that of the Council. As a result, continued opposition to integration in social Europe by Northern and Eastern Members means the removal of UK political agency will have only a marginal impact on the slow and piecemeal approach to integration in the field.de
dc.languageende
dc.subject.ddcPolitikwissenschaftde
dc.subject.ddcPolitical scienceen
dc.subject.otherCommunity Method; intergovernmentalism; ordinary legislative procedure; post-Brexit; social Europede
dc.titleThe Ordinary Legislative Procedure in a Post-Brexit EU: The Case of Social Europede
dc.description.reviewbegutachtet (peer reviewed)de
dc.description.reviewpeer revieweden
dc.identifier.urlhttps://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3704de
dc.source.journalPolitics and Governance
dc.source.volume9de
dc.publisher.countryPRTde
dc.source.issue1de
dc.subject.classozEuropapolitikde
dc.subject.classozEuropean Politicsen
dc.subject.thesozEUde
dc.subject.thesozEUen
dc.subject.thesozEU-Politikde
dc.subject.thesozEU policyen
dc.subject.thesozGroßbritanniende
dc.subject.thesozGreat Britainen
dc.subject.thesozMitgliedschaftde
dc.subject.thesozmembershipen
dc.subject.thesozGesetzgebungde
dc.subject.thesozlegislationen
dc.rights.licenceCreative Commons - Namensnennung 4.0de
dc.rights.licenceCreative Commons - Attribution 4.0en
internal.statusformal und inhaltlich fertig erschlossende
internal.identifier.thesoz10041441
internal.identifier.thesoz10059780
internal.identifier.thesoz10042102
internal.identifier.thesoz10045697
internal.identifier.thesoz10036234
dc.type.stockarticlede
dc.type.documentZeitschriftenartikelde
dc.type.documentjournal articleen
dc.source.pageinfo69-78de
internal.identifier.classoz10506
internal.identifier.journal787
internal.identifier.document32
internal.identifier.ddc320
dc.source.issuetopicWhat Brexit Means for Europe: EU Institutions and Actors after the British Referendumde
dc.identifier.doihttps://doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i1.3704de
dc.description.pubstatusVeröffentlichungsversionde
dc.description.pubstatusPublished Versionen
internal.identifier.licence16
internal.identifier.pubstatus1
internal.identifier.review1
internal.dda.referencehttps://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/oai/@@oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3704
ssoar.urn.registrationfalsede


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