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dc.contributor.authorArgelaguet, Jordide
dc.date.accessioned2021-12-14T10:28:56Z
dc.date.available2021-12-14T10:28:56Z
dc.date.issued2021de
dc.identifier.issn2183-2463de
dc.identifier.urihttps://www.ssoar.info/ssoar/handle/document/76272
dc.description.abstractThe Catalan secessionist parties, if added together, have won all the elections to the Parliament of Catalonia from 2010 to 2021. Their voters have been increasingly mobilized since the start of the controversial reform process of the Statute of Autonomy (2004-2010). The aim of this article is twofold. First, it intends to test whether language is the strongest predictor in preferring independence in two separate and distinct moments, 1996 and 2020. And second, to assess whether its strength has changed - and how - between both years. Only the most exogenous variables to the dependent variable are used in each of two logistic regressions to avoid problems of endogeneity: sex, age, size of town of residence, place of birth of the individual and of their parents, first language (L1), and educational level. Among them, L1 was - and still is - the most powerful predictor, although it is not entirely determinative. The secessionist movement not only gathers a plurality of Catalan native speakers, but it receives a not insignificant level of support among those who have Spanish as their L1. Conversely, the unionist group, despite being composed primarily by people who have Spanish as their L1 and have their family origins outside Catalonia, has a native Catalan-speaking minority inside. This imperfect division, which is based on ethnolinguistic alignments - and whose relevance cannot be neglected - alleviates the likelihood of an ethnic-based conflict.de
dc.languageende
dc.subject.ddcPolitikwissenschaftde
dc.subject.ddcPolitical scienceen
dc.subject.otherCatalonia; effective number of language groups; independence; language; logistic regression; secessionism; subjective national identityde
dc.titleThe Relevance of Language as a Predictor of the Will for Independence in Catalonia in 1996 and 2020de
dc.description.reviewbegutachtet (peer reviewed)de
dc.description.reviewpeer revieweden
dc.identifier.urlhttps://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4531de
dc.source.journalPolitics and Governance
dc.source.volume9de
dc.publisher.countryPRTde
dc.source.issue4de
dc.subject.classozpolitische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kulturde
dc.subject.classozPolitical Process, Elections, Political Sociology, Political Cultureen
dc.rights.licenceCreative Commons - Namensnennung 4.0de
dc.rights.licenceCreative Commons - Attribution 4.0en
internal.statusformal und inhaltlich fertig erschlossende
dc.type.stockarticlede
dc.type.documentZeitschriftenartikelde
dc.type.documentjournal articleen
dc.source.pageinfo426-438de
internal.identifier.classoz10504
internal.identifier.journal787
internal.identifier.document32
internal.identifier.ddc320
dc.source.issuetopicSecessionism in Liberal Democracies: What Do We Really Know About the Explanations of Secessionism?de
dc.identifier.doihttps://doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i4.4531de
dc.description.pubstatusVeröffentlichungsversionde
dc.description.pubstatusPublished Versionen
internal.identifier.licence16
internal.identifier.pubstatus1
internal.identifier.review1
internal.dda.referencehttps://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/oai/@@oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/4531
ssoar.urn.registrationfalsede


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