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dc.contributor.authorMuñoz, Jordide
dc.date.accessioned2021-12-14T09:43:11Z
dc.date.available2021-12-14T09:43:11Z
dc.date.issued2021de
dc.identifier.issn2183-2463de
dc.identifier.urihttps://www.ssoar.info/ssoar/handle/document/76269
dc.description.abstractThe surge in support for independence in Catalonia (Spain) has received much political, journalistic, as well as academic attention. A popular account of the Catalan case stresses the allegation that motives relating to fiscal selfishness are behind the independence movement. The evidence presented in support of this argument is the positive correlation between income and support for independence. Some scholars, such as Thomas Piketty, even talk about a "Catalan syndrome," according to which support for independence can ultimately be explained by fiscal selfishness and the prospect of creating a sort of tax haven in Catalonia. As prominent as this argument is, in this article I show that it rests on weak theoretical and empirical grounds. In order to do so, I reassess the existing evidence, using a more nuanced empirical strategy that allows for non-linear relations to emerge and controls for potential confounders. Then, I also present new evidence based on recently published census-tract level fiscal data, merged with election results. Finally, I spell out the mechanisms and observable implications of the "Catalan syndrome" argument and show that fiscal selfishness is not an important driver of the Catalan independence movement.de
dc.languageende
dc.subject.ddcStaatsformen und Regierungssystemede
dc.subject.ddcSystems of governments & statesen
dc.subject.ddcWirtschaftde
dc.subject.ddcEconomicsen
dc.subject.otherCatalonia; Piketty; fiscal preferences; income; independence; secessionismde
dc.titleThe Catalan Syndrome? Revisiting the Relationship Between Income and Support for Independence in Cataloniade
dc.description.reviewbegutachtet (peer reviewed)de
dc.description.reviewpeer revieweden
dc.identifier.urlhttps://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4617de
dc.source.journalPolitics and Governance
dc.source.volume9de
dc.publisher.countryPRTde
dc.source.issue4de
dc.subject.classozStaat, staatliche Organisationsformende
dc.subject.classozPolitical System, Constitution, Governmenten
dc.subject.classozVolkswirtschaftslehrede
dc.subject.classozPolitical Economyen
dc.rights.licenceCreative Commons - Namensnennung 4.0de
dc.rights.licenceCreative Commons - Attribution 4.0en
internal.statusformal und inhaltlich fertig erschlossende
dc.type.stockarticlede
dc.type.documentZeitschriftenartikelde
dc.type.documentjournal articleen
dc.source.pageinfo376-385de
internal.identifier.classoz10503
internal.identifier.classoz1090300
internal.identifier.journal787
internal.identifier.document32
internal.identifier.ddc321
internal.identifier.ddc330
dc.source.issuetopicSecessionism in Liberal Democracies: What Do We Really Know About the Explanations of Secessionism?de
dc.identifier.doihttps://doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i4.4617de
dc.description.pubstatusVeröffentlichungsversionde
dc.description.pubstatusPublished Versionen
internal.identifier.licence16
internal.identifier.pubstatus1
internal.identifier.review1
internal.dda.referencehttps://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/oai/@@oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/4617
ssoar.urn.registrationfalsede


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