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Политические дискуссии вокруг вступления нейтральных стран Арктического региона в НАТО в 1990-2000-е гг.: включение или ограниченный нейтралитет?
[journal article]

dc.contributor.authorBoldyreva, Slavyana Yu.de
dc.contributor.authorBoldyrev, Roman Yu.de
dc.date.accessioned2019-01-04T15:51:20Z
dc.date.available2019-01-04T15:51:20Z
dc.date.issued2018de
dc.identifier.issn1998-9938de
dc.identifier.urihttps://www.ssoar.info/ssoar/handle/document/60940
dc.description.abstractSweden and Finland obtain a special position within NATO strategy towards neutral states. The purpose of the paper is to analyze the background and perspectives for Sweden and Finland to join NATO in the 1990s - 2000s. This issue appeared on the top of agenda after these countries had entered the EU, and right after the Baltic states became members of NATO. Finland started to distant itself from Russia in 1990-1992, right after recognizing itself free from military and technical limitations set in the Peace treaty signed in 1947 and gaining an ability to arrange political and military alliances with other countries. Joining the Alliance has first appeared on the Finnish political agenda in the first half of the 1990s, though the political elite of Finland defining its practical relations with NATO also took into consideration the position of Russia since both countries had a long joint terrestrial border and close economic relations. Sweden started revising its foreign policy vector in 1991. The governing elite had an active discussion which ended with a compromise decision on preserving the neutral status of the country alongside with enforcing its defensive capacities. Since 1992, Finland and Sweden became participants of various agreements with NATO. Their armed forces and armaments systems have adopted the NATO standards, and have been working out their practical interaction during the joint military maneuvers and within Partnership for Peace program. In 2009 Nordic defense cooperation emerged, including three NATO participants - Iceland, Norway and Denmark. In April 2014 they signed an agreement on close military cooperation. Results: We can state without any doubt that Finland and Sweden would join NATO only when they face a real threat towards themselves. Russian policy in the region can be a trigger for that. After Crimea annexed Russia, the amount of advocates of joining NATO increased. Nevertheless, they still remain a minority. In this situation a referendum on joining NATO appears to have no perspectives. On the contrary, we should mark that both countries became involved into “crawling” integration into NATO structures: alongside with official Partnership for Peace program it takes place in the official European integration institutions. After joining the EU in 1995 Sweden and Finland are obliged to obey the joint European security and foreign policies, i.e. arranging their military and foreign policies with basic principles and directives developed jointly with other EU members, who are also participants of NATO. Thus, neutrality of these two states becomes a phantom, especially towards Russia.de
dc.languageende
dc.subject.ddcPolitikwissenschaftde
dc.subject.ddcPolitical scienceen
dc.subject.ddcInternationale Beziehungende
dc.subject.ddcInternational relationsen
dc.titlePolitical discussions on admission of neutral countries of the Arctic region to NATO in the 1990s - 2000s: inclusion or a limited neutrality?de
dc.title.alternativeПолитические дискуссии вокруг вступления нейтральных стран Арктического региона в НАТО в 1990-2000-е гг.: включение или ограниченный нейтралитет?de
dc.description.reviewbegutachtet (peer reviewed)de
dc.description.reviewpeer revieweden
dc.source.journalScience Journal of Volgograd State University: History - Area Studies - International Relations
dc.source.volume23de
dc.publisher.countryRUS
dc.source.issue6de
dc.subject.classozFriedens- und Konfliktforschung, Sicherheitspolitikde
dc.subject.classozPeace and Conflict Research, International Conflicts, Security Policyen
dc.subject.classozinternationale Beziehungen, Entwicklungspolitikde
dc.subject.classozInternational Relations, International Politics, Foreign Affairs, Development Policyen
dc.subject.thesozNATOde
dc.subject.thesozNATOen
dc.subject.thesozSchwedende
dc.subject.thesozSwedenen
dc.subject.thesozFinnlandde
dc.subject.thesozFinlanden
dc.subject.thesozNeutralitätde
dc.subject.thesozneutralityen
dc.subject.thesozAußenpolitikde
dc.subject.thesozforeign policyen
dc.subject.thesozVerteidigungspolitikde
dc.subject.thesozdefense policyen
dc.subject.thesozMilitärpolitikde
dc.subject.thesozmilitary policyen
dc.subject.thesozEUde
dc.subject.thesozEUen
dc.subject.thesozeuropäische Zusammenarbeitde
dc.subject.thesozEuropean cooperationen
dc.rights.licenceCreative Commons - Namensnennung 4.0de
dc.rights.licenceCreative Commons - Attribution 4.0en
ssoar.contributor.institutionVolgograd State Universityde
internal.statusformal und inhaltlich fertig erschlossende
internal.identifier.thesoz10053032
internal.identifier.thesoz10057535
internal.identifier.thesoz10043717
internal.identifier.thesoz10053207
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internal.identifier.thesoz10034428
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internal.identifier.thesoz10041441
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dc.type.stockarticlede
dc.type.documentZeitschriftenartikelde
dc.type.documentjournal articleen
dc.source.pageinfo145-153de
internal.identifier.classoz10507
internal.identifier.classoz10505
internal.identifier.journal847
internal.identifier.document32
dc.rights.sherpaBlauer Verlagde
dc.rights.sherpaBlue Publisheren
internal.identifier.ddc320
internal.identifier.ddc327
dc.identifier.doihttps://doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2018.6.11de
dc.description.pubstatusVeröffentlichungsversionde
dc.description.pubstatusPublished Versionen
internal.identifier.sherpa2
internal.identifier.licence16
internal.identifier.pubstatus1
internal.identifier.review1
dc.subject.classhort10500de
internal.pdf.wellformedtrue
internal.pdf.encryptedfalse
ssoar.urn.registrationfalsede


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